Which movement was based on the concept that people

They promised life, liberty and happiness : people, equality, declaration of independence, right, happiness. Beauty triggers happiness in some people.

This is not the case with everyone. THe idea of happiness is something people chase after their entire lives. Many people believe that true happiness can never be completely gained. Jefferson knew that the right to "happiness" was something that would be hypocritical as not every American could always be happy. But the pursuit of this happiness is what fueled the American spirit.

Jefferson believed that all America could offer was the opportunity to chase after something not amny people ever find true happiness. When we talk of happiness as wealth or money or success or name or fame, we misunderstand the meaning of happiness. Happiness is not a product, it is not a place or a person. Happiness is not money in the bank, or gold, diamonds; happiness doesn't depend on how wealthy you are. True happiness is true wealth that comes from realizing that happiness is a state of being.

The more we chase happiness, the further it goes, like a shadow. Therefore, people who have wealth, people who are rich, they are not glad; in fact, many of them are sad. This is proof that money can't buy happiness. We think success is happiness, but actually success is not happiness, happiness is success. Stop and try to attain the true state of bliss that comes from the realization of the Truth.

You can be happy without wealth. Log in. Study now. See Answer. Best Answer. Study guides. Propaganda 27 cards. How long do chow chow dogs live. What type of literary work uses details that are common in a certain region or section of the country. What type of literary work describes a new type of society in which people have lost their individuality. Which literary period includes the literature of ancient Greece and ancient Rome.

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Q: Which movement was based on the concept that people could use reason to find happiness and knowledge? Write your answer Related questions. How does bradbury define happiness in Fahrenheit ? What is the concept of mill utilitarianism about? What are the concept of learning? How did neil Armstrong and Carl Sagan contribute to people's knowledge of space?

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Was there happiness in the ? Whats a quote made by dolley madison? How do you make a sentence with happiness? Each condition adds to the likelihood that collective behaviour will occur. The first condition is structural conduciveness , which describes when people are aware of the problem and have the opportunity to gather, ideally in an open area.

The next condition is the growth and spread of a generalized belief , wherein a problem is clearly identified and attributed to a person or group. Fourth, precipitating factors spur collective behaviour; this is the emergence of a dramatic event. The fifth condition is mobilization for action , when leaders emerge to direct a crowd to action. The final condition relates to action by the agents of social control.

Called social control , it is the only way to end the collective behaviour episode Smelser Let us consider a hypothetical example of these conditions. In structure conduciveness awareness and opportunity , a group of students gathers on the campus quad. Structural strain emerges when they feel stress concerning their high tuition costs.

If the crowd decides that the latest tuition hike is the fault of the chancellor, and that he or she will lower tuition if they protest, then growth and spread of a generalized belief has occurred. A precipitation factor arises when campus security appears to disperse the crowd, using pepper spray to do so. When the student body president sits down and passively resists attempts to stop the protest, this represents mobilization of action.

Finally, when local police arrive and direct students back to their dorms, we have seen agents of social control in action. While value-added theory addresses the complexity of collective behaviour, it also assumes that such behaviour is inherently negative or disruptive.

In contrast, collective behaviour can be non-disruptive, such as when people flood to a place where a leader or public figure has died to express condolences or leave tokens of remembrance. People also forge momentary alliances with strangers in response to natural disasters.

Interactionist sociologist Clark McPhail developed the assembling perspective , another system for understanding collective behaviour that credited individuals in crowds as rational beings. Unlike previous theories, this theory refocuses attention from collective behaviour to collective action. Remember that collective behaviour is a non-institutionalized gathering, whereas collective action is based on a shared interest. He identified several instances of convergent or collective behaviour, as shown on the chart below.

As useful as this is for understanding the components of how crowds come together, many sociologists criticize its lack of attention on the large cultural context of the described behaviours, instead focusing on individual actions.

Social movements are purposeful, organized groups striving to work toward a common social goal. While most of us learned about social movements in history classes, we tend to take for granted the fundamental changes they caused —and we may be completely unfamiliar with the trend toward global social movement. But from the anti-tobacco movement that has worked to outlaw smoking in public buildings and raise the cost of cigarettes, to uprisings throughout the Arab world, contemporary movements create social change on a global scale.

Movements happen in our towns, in our nation, and around the world. The following examples of social movements range from local to global. No doubt you can think of others on all of these levels, especially since modern technology has allowed us a near-constant stream of information about the quest for social change around the world. Not surprisingly, it has been home to a number of social movements and grassroots community organizations over time Silver Currently, the Winnipeg Boldness Project is a social movement focused on providing investment in early childhood care in the Point Douglas community to try to break endemic cycles of poverty.

Statistics show that 40 percent of Point Douglas children are not ready for school by age five and one in six are apprehended by child protection agencies.

Through programs that support families and invest in early childhood development, children could be prepared for school and not be forced into the position of having to catch up to their peers Roussin, Gill, and Young At the other end of the political spectrum from the Winnipeg Boldness Project is the legacy of the numerous conservative and extreme right social movements of the s and s that advocated the independence of western Canada from the rest of the country.

The National Energy Program of was one of the key catalysts for this movement because it was seen as a way of securing cheap oil and gas resources for central Canada at the expense of Alberta. However, the seeds of western alienation developed much earlier with the sense that Canadian federal politics was dominated by the interests of Quebec and Ontario. One of the more infamous leaders of the Western Canada Concept was Doug Christie who made a name for himself as the lawyer who defended the Holocaust-deniers Jim Keegstra and Ernst Zundel in well-publicized trials.

Part of the program of the Western Canada Concept, aside from western independence, was to end non-European immigration to Canada and preserve Christian and European culture. In addition to these extreme-right concerns, however, were many elements of democratic reform and fiscal conservativism, such as mandatory balanced-budget legislation and provisions for referenda and recall Western Canada Concept N. The Reform Party was western based but did not seek western independence.

Rather it sought to transform itself into a national political party eventually forming the Canadian Alliance Party with other conservative factions. A prominent national social movement in recent years is Idle No More. The hunger strike galvanized national public attention on aboriginal issues, and numerous protest events such as flash mobs and temporary blockades were organized around the country.

Chief Spence ended her hunger strike with the signing of a point declaration that demanded commitments from the government to review Bills C and C, ensure aboriginal consultation on government legislation, initiate an enquiry into missing aboriginal women, and improve treaty negotiations, aboriginal housing, and education, among other commitments CBC a; b.

Comparisons between Idle No More and the recent Occupy Movement emphasized the diffuse, grassroots natures of the movements and their non-hierarchical structures. It was more focused than the Occupy Movement in the sense that it developed in response to particular legislation Bill C , but as it grew it became both broader in its concerns and more radical in its demands for aboriginal sovereignty and self-determination.

It was also seen to have the same organizational problems as the Occupy movement in that the goals of the movement were left more or less open, the leadership remained decentralized, and no formal decision-making structures were established.

Some members of the Idle No More movement were satisfied with the point declaration, while others sought more radical solutions of self-determination outside the traditional pattern of negotiating with the federal government. It is not clear that Idle No More, as a social movement, will move toward a more conventional social-movement structure or whether it will dissipate and be replaced by other aboriginal movements CBC c; Gollom Despite their successes in bringing forth change on controversial topics, social movements are not always about volatile politicized issues.

For example, the global movement called Slow Food focuses on how we eat as means of addressing contemporary quality-of-life issues.

The movement links community and environmental issues back to the question of what is on our plates and where it came from. Founded in in response to the increasing existence of fast food in communities that used to treasure their culinary traditions, Slow Food works to raise awareness of food choices Slow Food With more than , members in 1, local chapters, Slow Food is a movement that crosses political, age, and regional lines.

We know that social movements can occur on the local, national, or even global stage. Are there other patterns or classifications that can help us understand them? Sociologist David Aberle addresses this question, developing categories that distinguish among social movements based on what they want to change and how much change they want.

Reform movements seek to change something specific about the social structure. Revolutionary movements seek to completely change every aspect of society. These would include Cuban 26th of July Movement under Fidel Castro , the s counterculture movement, as well as anarchist collectives.

Organizations pushing these movements might include Alcoholics Anynymous, New Age, or Christian fundamentalist groups. Alternative movements are focused on self-improvement and limited, specific changes to individual beliefs and behaviour. These include groups like the Slow Food movement, Planned Parenthood, and barefoot jogging advocates.

Resistance movements seek to prevent or undo change to the social structure. The Ku Klux Klan and pro-life movements fall into this category. Later sociologists studied the life cycle of social movements—how they emerge, grow, and in some cases, die out. Blumer and Tilly outline a four-stage process. In the preliminary stage , people become aware of an issue and leaders emerge. This is followed by the coalescence stage when people join together and organize in order to publicize the issue and raise awareness.

In the institutionalization stage , the movement no longer requires grassroots volunteerism: it is an established organization, typically peopled with a paid staff. When people fall away, adopt a new movement, the movement successfully brings about the change it sought, or people no longer take the issue seriously, the movement falls into the decline stage.

Each social movement discussed earlier belongs in one of these four stages. Where would you put them on the list? Chances are you have been asked to tweet, friend, like, or donate online for a cause. Or maybe you follow political candidates on Twitter and retweet their messages to your followers. Nowadays, woven throughout our social media activities, are social movements. After all, social movements start by activating people.

Referring to the ideal type stages discussed above, you can see that social media has the potential to dramatically transform how people get involved. Look at the first stage, the preliminary stage : people become aware of an issue and leaders emerge. Imagine how social media speeds up this step. Suddenly, a shrewd user of Twitter can alert thousands of followers about an emerging cause or an issue on his or her mind. Issue awareness can spread at the speed of a click, with thousands of people across the globe becoming informed at the same time.

In a similar vein, those who are savvy and engaged with social media emerge as leaders. Suddenly, you do not need to be a powerful public speaker. You do not even need to leave your house. You can build an audience through social media without ever meeting the people you are inspiring. At the next stage, the coalescence stage , social media also is transformative. Coalescence is the point when people join together to publicize the issue and get organized.

Using Twitter and other online tools, the campaign engaged volunteers who had typically not bothered with politics, and empowered those who were more active to generate still more activity. What is the difference between this type of campaign and the work that political activists did in neighbourhoods in earlier decades? The ability to organize without regard to geographical boundaries becomes possible using social media. In , when student protests erupted in Tehran, social media was considered so important to the organizing effort that the U.

State Department actually asked Twitter to suspend scheduled maintenance so that a vital tool would not be disabled during the demonstrations. So what is the real impact of this technology on the world?

Did Twitter bring down Mubarak in Egypt? Author Malcolm Gladwell does not think so. In an article in New Yorker magazine, Gladwell tackles what he considers the myth that social media gets people more engaged.

He points out that most of the tweets relating to the Iran protests were in English and sent from Western accounts instead of people on the ground. Rather than increasing engagement, he contends that social media only increases participation; after all, the cost of participation is so much lower than the cost of engagement.

The people who dropped out of the movement——who went home after the danger got too great——did not display any less ideological commitment. They lacked the strong-tie connection to other people who were staying. People follow or friend people they have never met. While these online acquaintances are a source of information and inspiration, the lack of engaged personal contact limits the level of risk we will take on their behalf.

Most theories of social movements are called collective action theories, indicating the purposeful nature of this form of collective behaviour. The following three theories are but a few of the many classic and modern theories developed by social scientists.

Resource mobilization theory focuses on the purposive, organizational strategies that social movements need to engage in to successfully mobilize support, compete with other social movements and opponents, and present political claims and grievances to the state. Framing theory focuses on the way social movements make appeals to potential supporters by framing or presenting their issues in a way that aligns with commonly held values, beliefs, and commonsense attitudes.

Social movements will always be a part of society as long as there are aggrieved populations whose needs and interests are not being satisfied. However, grievances do not become social movements unless social movement actors are able to create viable organizations, mobilize resources, and attract large-scale followings.

As people will always weigh their options and make rational choices about which movements to follow, social movements necessarily form under finite competitive conditions: competition for attention, financing, commitment, organizational skills, etc. Not only will social movements compete for our attention with many other concerns—from the basic our jobs or our need to feed ourselves to the broad video games, sports, or television , but they also compete with each other.

For any individual, it may be a simple matter to decide you want to spend your time and money on animal shelters and Conservative Party politics versus homeless shelters and the New Democratic Party.

The question is, however, which animal shelter or which Conservative candidate? To be successful, social movements must develop the organizational capacity to mobilize resources money, people, and skills and compete with other organizations to reach their goals. Taken together, along with all other social movement organizations working on animals rights issues, these similar organizations constitute a social movement industry.

Every social movement organization a single social movement group within the social movement sector is competing for your attention, your time, and your resources. The chart in Figure The sudden emergence of social movements that have not had time to mobilize resources, or vice versa, the failure of well-funded groups to achieve effective collective action, calls into question the emphasis on resource mobilization as an adequate explanation for the formation of social movements.

Over the past several decades, sociologists have developed the concept of frames to explain how individuals identify and understand social events and which norms they should follow in any given situation Benford and Snow ; Goffman ; Snow et al. A frame is a way in which experience is organized conceptually. Imagine entering a restaurant. It probably does not occur to you to wear pajamas to a fine dining establishment, throw food at other patrons, or spit your drink onto the table.

However, eating food at a sleepover pizza party provides you with an entirely different behaviour template. It might be perfectly acceptable to eat in your pajamas, and maybe even throw popcorn at others or guzzle drinks from cans.

Successful social movements use three kinds of frames Snow and Benford to further their goals. The first type, diagnostic framing , states the social movement problem in a clear, easily understood way.

The anti-gay marriage movement is an example of diagnostic framing with its uncompromising insistence that marriage is only between a man and a woman. Any other concept of marriage is framed as sinful or immoral. Prognostic framing , the second type, offers a solution and states how it will be implemented.

When looking at the issue of pollution as framed by the environmental movement, for example, prognostic frames would include direct legal sanctions and the enforcement of strict government regulations or the imposition of carbon taxes or cap-and-trade mechanisms to make environmental damage more costly.

As you can see, there may be many competing prognostic frames even within social movements adhering to similar diagnostic frames. Finally, motivational framing is the call to action: what should you do once you agree with the diagnostic frame and believe in the prognostic frame? These frames are action-oriented. In the aboriginal justice movement, a call to action might encourage you to join a blockade on contested aboriginal treaty land or contact your local MP to express your viewpoint that aboriginal treaty rights be honoured.

With so many similar diagnostic frames, some groups find it best to join together to maximize their impact. When social movements link their goals to the goals of other social movements and merge into a single group, a frame alignment process Snow et al.

For example, Carroll and Ratner argue that using a social justice frame makes it possible for a diverse group of social movements—union movements, environmental movements, aboriginal justice movements, gay rights movements, anti-poverty movements, etc. This frame alignment process involves four aspects: bridging, amplification, extension, and transformation. These organizations join together creating a new, stronger social movement organization. Can you think of examples of different organizations with a similar goal that have banded together?

In the amplification model, organizations seek to expand their core ideas to gain a wider, more universal appeal. By expanding their ideas to include a broader range, they can mobilize more people for their cause. For example, the Slow Food movement extends its arguments in support of local food to encompass reduced energy consumption and reduced pollution, plus reduced obesity from eating more healthfully, and other benefits.

Transformation involves a complete revision of goals. Once a movement has succeeded, it risks losing relevance. If it wants to remain active, the movement has to change with the transformation or risk becoming obsolete. In short, it is an evolution to the existing diagnostic or prognostic frames generally involving a total conversion of movement. New social movement theory emerged in the s to explain the proliferation of postindustrial, quality-of-life movements that are difficult to analyze using traditional social movement theories Melucci Rather than being based on the grievances of particular groups striving to influence political outcomes or redistribute material resources, new social movements NSMs like the peace and disarmament, environmental, and feminist movements focus on goals of autonomy, identity, self-realization, and quality-of-life issues.

Moreover, the movements themselves are more flexible, diverse, shifting, and informal in participation and membership than the older social movements, often preferring to adopt nonhierarchical modes of organization and unconventional means of political engagement such as direct action. The dimensions of existence that were formally considered private e.

However, as Melucci argues,. These are precisely the areas where individuals and groups lay claim to their autonomy, where they conduct their search for identity…and construct the meaning of what they are and what they do pp. Collective behaviour and social movements are just two of the forces driving social change , which is the change in society created through social movements as well as external factors like environmental shifts or technological innovations.

Feelings of deprivation are relative, as they come from a comparison to social norms that are not absolute and usually differ from time and place. This differentiates relative deprivation from objective deprivation also known as absolute deprivation or absolute poverty , a condition that applies to all underprivileged people.

This leads to an important conclusion: while the objective deprivation poverty in the world may change over time, relative deprivation will not, as long as social inequality persists and some humans are better off than others.

Relative deprivation may be temporal; that is, it can be experienced by people that experience expansion of rights or wealth, followed by stagnation or reversal of those gains. Such phenomena are also known as unfulfilled rising expectations.

Some sociologists—for instance, Karl Polanyi—have argued that relative differences in economic wealth are more important than absolute deprivation, and that this is a more significant determinate of human quality of life. This debate has important consequences for social policy, particularly on whether poverty can be eliminated simply by raising total wealth or whether egalitarian measures are also needed.

A specific form of relative deprivation is relative poverty. Critics of this theory have pointed out that this theory fails to explain why some people who feel discontent fail to take action and join social movements. Counter-arguments include that some people are prone to conflict-avoidance, are short-term-oriented, or that imminent life difficulties may arise since there is no guarantee that life-improvement will result from social action. The resource-mobilization approach is a theory that seeks to explain the emergence of social movements.

Use the resource-mobilization theory to explain some of the successful social movements in history, such as the Civil Rights Movement. Resource-Mobilization Theory emphasizes the importance of resources in social movement development and success. Resources are understood here to include: knowledge, money, media, labor, solidarity, legitimacy, and internal and external support from a power elite. The theory argues that social movements develop when individuals with grievances are able to mobilize sufficient resources to take action.

Resource mobilization theory also divides social movements according to their position among other social movements. This helps sociologists understand them in relation to other social movements; for example, how much influence does one theory or movement have on another? Critics of this theory argue that there is too much of an emphasis on resources, especially financial resources.

Some movements are effective without an influx of money and are more dependent upon the movement of members for time and labor e. Illustrate how the various waves of the feminist movement helped advance women in terms of social status and equality. First-wave feminism refers to a period of feminist activity during the 19 th and early twentieth century in the United Kingdom, Canada, the Netherlands and the United States.

Second-wave feminism refers to a period of feminist activity beginning in the early s and through the late s.

Second Wave Feminism has existed continuously since then, and continues to coexist with what some people call Third Wave Feminism. Second wave feminism saw cultural and political inequalities as inextricably linked. The movement encouraged women to understand aspects of their personal lives as deeply politicized, and reflective of a sexist structure of power.

If first-wavers focused on absolute rights such as suffrage, second-wavers were largely concerned with other issues of equality, such as the end to discrimination. Finally, the third-wave of feminism began in the early s. The movement arose as responses to what young women thought of as perceived failures of the second-wave. It was also a response to the backlash against initiatives and movements created by the second-wave.

However by some convergence was appearing. These divisions among feminists included: First World vs. Third World; the relationship between gender oppression and oppression based on class, race and nationality; defining core common elements of feminism vs. There is and must be a diversity of feminisms, responsive to the different needs and concerns of women, and defined by them for themselves.

This diversity builds on a common opposition to gender oppression and hierarchy which, however, is only the first step in articulating and acting upon a political agenda. At this conference a the Beijing Platform for Action was signed. New social movements focus on issues related to human rights, rather than on materialistic concerns, such as economic development. Evaluate the significance of new social movements NSMs , which are more concerned with social and cultural issues, and the implications NSMs have on modern-day society.

The term new social movements NSMs is a theory of social movements that attempts to explain the plethora of new movements that have come up in various western societies roughly since the mids i. There are two central claims of the NSM theory. Firstly, the rise of the post-industrial economy is responsible for a new wave of social movement.

Secondly, these movements are significantly different from previous social movements of the industrial economy.

The primary difference is in their goals, as the new movements focus not on issues of materialistic qualities such as economic well-being, but on issues related to human rights such as gay rights or pacifism. The most noticeable feature of new social movements is that they are primarily social and cultural and only secondarily, if at all, political. The concept of new politics can be exemplified in gay liberation, the focus of which transcends the political issue of gay rights to address the need for a social and cultural acceptance of homosexuality.

New social movements also emphasize the role of post-material values in contemporary and post-industrial society, as opposed to conflicts over material resources. According to Melucci, one of the leading new social movement theorists, these movements arise not from relations of production and distribution of resources, but within the sphere of reproduction and the life world. Consequently, the concern has shifted from the production of economic resources as a means of survival or for reproduction to cultural production of social relations, symbols, and identities.

In other words, the contemporary social movements reject the materialistic orientation of consumerism in capitalist societies by questioning the modern idea that links the pursuit of happiness and success closely to growth, progress, and increased productivity and by instead promoting alternative values and understandings in relation to the social world. They tend to focus on a single issue, or a limited range of issues connected to a single broad theme, such as peace or the environment.

New social movements concentrate on the grassroots level with the aim to represent the interests of marginal or excluded groups.

Therefore, new collective actions are locally based, centered on small social groups and loosely held together by personal or informational networks such as radios, newspapers, and posters. As stated by Offe, the new middle class has evolved in association with the old one in the new social movements because of its high levels of education and its access to information and resources. The groups of people that are marginal in the labor market, such as students, housewives, and the unemployed participate in the collective actions as a consequence of their higher levels of free time, their position of being at the receiving end of bureaucratic control, and their inability to be fully engaged in society specifically in terms of employment and consumption.

Privacy Policy. Skip to main content. Social Change. Search for:. Social Movements. Social Movements Social movements are broad alliances of people connected through a shared interest in either stopping or instigating social change.

Learning Objectives Discover the difference between social movements and social movement organizations, as well as the four areas social movements operate within. Key Takeaways Key Points There are both a number of different kinds of social movements, as well as various stages that a social movement can undergo in the course of its development.

Several theories have been proposed to explain the creation of social movements.